Manufactured Conflict, Doomed Vision: Why Abiy and Isaias Target Oromummaa
Worku Burayu (PhD)
Abstract
This article examines the political calculations of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, focusing on their shared efforts to suppress Oromummaa—the cultural and political embodiment of Oromo identity. The fear of inclusive, democratic change has led to the distortion and vilification of this principle. Drawing on scholarly insights and contemporary events, this article argues that the attack on Oromummaa reflects deeper authoritarian insecurities and a broader effort to manufacture conflict for political survival. It is a call to truth, justice, and unity.
Introduction: Identity or Power Struggle?
A renewed specter of war looms over the Horn of Africa—not from foreign threats, but from the political calculations of two leaders. The alliance between Abiy Ahmed and Isaias Afwerki, initially praised as a historic peace initiative, has degenerated into a mechanism for regional repression. At the heart of their joint anxiety lies Oromummaa—a concept they fear not because it is divisive, but because it is democratic and inclusive. Their efforts to suppress Oromummaa are driven by the fear that it might inspire others to demand justice and equality.
What Oromummaa Means
Oromummaa literally means “Oromo-ness””—the quality or essence of being Oromo —just as Amaarummaa refers to Amhara identity and Tigrummaa to Tigray identity. In Afaan Oromo, these expressions reflect the natural human inclination to affirm one’s identity, heritage, and cultural belonging. At its core, Oromummaa is the cultural, historical, and moral identity of the Oromo people. It is rooted in egalitarian values drawn from the Gadaa system—an indigenous democratic socio-political order based on consensus, rotational leadership, and respect for all human beings. Oromummaa is thus neither an invention nor an exception; it is part of the rich fabric of identity expressions in the East African cultural mosaic.
However, Oromummaa goes beyond mere culture. Asafa Jalata (2007, 2010) defines Oromummaa as a unifying basis that embodies national consciousness and resistance against all forms of oppression. It stands for justice, mutual respect, and peaceful coexistence. The Oromo, like any people, want to be respected and valued without dominating others. Mutual existence does not require surrendering the quest for freedom, nor should any community be expected to carry the burden of systemic repression. Oromummaa is not about assimilation or cultural superiority; it affirms the right to be Oromo while recognizing and respecting the right of others to be who they are. It is a vision of mutual existence—one that does not demand others to be like the Oromo but insists on the dignity of being Oromo without apology.
That mutual respect, however, must not be confused with passivity. Oromummaa does not advocate silence in the face of oppression. The Oromo people will not carry or shoulder any form of suppression or disrespect. Their history of resilience and struggle is a testimony to their refusal to accept marginalization. Oromummaa affirms coexistence—but not at the cost of surrendering to systems of injustice or erasing one’s identity for the sake of national uniformity.
Oromummaa does not oppose any religion, ethnicity, or language—whether Semitic or Cushitic. It embraces all faiths practiced by the Oromo people, including Waaqeffannaa, Islam, and Christianity. There is no valid reason to portray Oromummaa as being against any religion, region, or language; at its core, it is an inclusive identity.
Among the Oromo, Oromummaa serves as a unifying force that transcends regional and religious differences. It brings together Oromo society from various geographic areas and diverse faith backgrounds, fostering a shared sense of purpose and belonging. Rooted in the values of the Gadaa system, communal responsibility, and cultural preservation, Oromummaa embodies a democratic spirit that upholds unity through diversity.
Why Oromummaa Is Feared
The distortion of Oromummaa meaning or the demonization of Oromummaa is not new and did not begin today. It began during the era of imperial creation, when Oromo identity was targeted for destruction and the derogatory term was institutionalized. In modern times, this trend continued as successive regimes criminalized expressions of Oromo culture and misrepresented Oromo nationalism. Today, the distortion has taken a more subtle yet insidious form: the current Ethiopian government—while claiming to represent all Ethiopians—has exploited the Oromummaa identity for political purposes. This government does not represent Oromummaa; in fact, it stands against its core values. It uses the word when it seeks to divide Ethiopia’s peoples along ethnic lines but represses true Oromo voices that speak from a place of justice and cultural integrity.
President Isaias recently labeled Oromummaa “toxic,” a claim that mirrors the Ethiopian government’s ongoing defamation campaign. Among some outsiders Oromummaa has been deliberately misrepresented and feared. It has often been framed by some Habeshan elites and segments of the Habesha media as a separatist agenda. Such portrayals are not only inaccurate but dangerous, as they seek to delegitimize a people’s rightful claim to their identity and dignity.
The fear of Oromummaa is not about ethnicity—it is about its potential to foster inclusive change. It exposes the deep inequalities that have characterized the Ethiopian state since its imperial creation. It demands cultural, linguistic, and political recognition for a group that has long been treated as marginal despite its demographic weight. Most threatening to the old establishment is that Oromummaa challenges the historical narrative of one dominant national identity and proposes instead a pluralistic, equitable vision of shared nationhood.
To be clear: the Oromo people’s call for recognition, equality, and justice is not a call for domination. It is a call for a new future where all people can exist freely and equally. Oromummaa is not anti any ethnic group or individual; it is anti-oppression. It is not separatist; it is self-affirming. It does not exclude others; it demands to be included with dignity. The true fear of Oromummaa among the ruling elite is not because it seeks to break the nation, but because it holds the potential to rebuild it on more just and democratic foundations.
In the words of Asafa Jalata, “Oromummaa is not a narrow nationalism, but a democratic and egalitarian worldview rooted in the indigenous Oromo system of Gadaa.” Its growing resonance today—among youth, elders, scholars, and activists alike—is not a threat, but a testament to the enduring spirit of a people committed to freedom, justice, and mutual respect. The Oromo will not carry suppression, nor will they be silent in the face of distortion. Oromummaa, grounded in truth, dignity, and cultural strength, is here to stay—and it offers Ethiopia a chance to become truly inclusive, democratic, and at peace with itself.
In summary, while expressions like Tigrummaa (Tigraynet), Amaarummaa (Amharanet), and Eeritrummaa (Eritreawinet)are recognized and respected as legitimate forms of identity, Oromummaa alone is vilified and attacked. This glaring double standard does not reflect a fear of ethnic division—it exposes a deeper fear of empowerment, justice, and democratic transformation.
Political Misuse and Repression
When the Qeerroo movement—an organized force of Oromo youth under Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo—sustained its peaceful movements from its inception by OLF in 2011 and escalated nationwide protests between 2014 and 2018, it ignited widespread hope for a democratic transformation in Ethiopia. Instead, the new regime exploited Oromo identity for political gain while turning violently against Oromo communities from the beginning of its origin. Oromo farmers were displaced. Movement leaders were jailed or assassinated. Abbaa Gadaa were murdered. Oromia became one of the most militarized regions in the country. Today, thousands of Oromos are labeled as “terrorists” simply for demanding their constitutional rights.
No Oromo household has been spared from the violence of this government’s security forces. In countless cases, two or three members—or even entire families—have been killed at once. Abiy Ahmed’s killing machine has touched every layer of Oromo society, from students and farmers to elders and community leaders. This campaign of terror began even before the Tigray war and continued without pause.
Long before the conflict in Tigray, Abiy launched a calculated assault on Oromummaa, labeling it a threat and mocking Sabboonummaa—the deep-rooted patriotic spirit of the Oromo people—as a sign of “small-mindedness.” At that moment, only the Oromo rose in defiance. Others remained silent—or worse, assisted in the effort to dismantle Oromo identity. It wasn’t until the repression expanded to Tigray, and then to Amhara, that many realized the machinery of violence would eventually reach them too.
In Tigray, the regime waged a brutal war that led to mass civilian casualties, destruction, and famine. In Amhara, the government cracked down on Fano militias, killed civilians, and imposed militarized rule under the guise of “law enforcement.”
The South was not spared either. In Sidama, those who demanded their constitutional right to statehood were met with bullets and mass arrests during and after the 2019 referendum. In Wolaita, popular movements demanding regional autonomy faced lethal crackdowns, with dozens killed and hundreds imprisoned. In Gurage and Kembata, community leaders and activists have been repeatedly detained for raising federalism-related concerns or speaking against centralization.
What began as an assault on Oromummaa has now become a nationwide campaign of repression. But the truth remains: the Oromo were the first to stand up when Abiy’s government began dismantling identity, silencing dissent, and ruling through fear. Today, Oromo, Tigrayans, Amharas, and Southerners all share in the suffering, but they also share in a growing resistance—a collective struggle for dignity, freedom, and justice across Ethiopia.
The government adopted the language of Oromummaa while violating its principles. In truth, the regime remains anti-Oromummaa but weaponizes it to divide Ethiopians, presenting it as a threat to national unity.
Isaias’s Denunciation and Hidden Fears
President Isaias Afwerki’s vocal hostility toward Oromummaa is not simply a matter of thought—it reflects his long-standing aversion to pluralism, grassroots empowerment, and democratic values. For over three decades, Isaias has ruled Eritrea with an iron fist, dismantling institutions, silencing dissent, and cultivating a politics of fear. To leaders like him, Oromummaa—with its democratic roots in the Gadaa system, its call for justice, and its potential to inspire inclusive governance—poses an existential threat.
When Isaias echoes the Ethiopian government’s defamatory rhetoric against Oromummaa, he does more than offer commentary; he bolsters a regime that is already persecuting the Oromo people. In aligning himself with Abiy’s campaign of suppression, he helps legitimize the criminalization of Oromo identity, culture, and resistance. His language—calling Oromummaa “toxic”—feeds into the Ethiopian state narrative that labels any demand for justice or self-expression as extremism.
This behavior is not new. Isaias has consistently opposed any movement in the Horn of Africa that promotes decentralized power or popular participation—whether in Ethiopia, Sudan, or even within Eritrea itself. His vision for the region is one of militarized stability, where power is concentrated at the top and dissent is crushed. Oromummaa, with its emphasis on egalitarianism, accountability, and cultural pride, stands in direct opposition to that vision.
The collaboration between Abiy and Isaias reveals not just political convenience but shared fears. Both leaders are deeply threatened by empowered, conscious populations that cannot be manipulated by propaganda or silenced by force. In this sense, Oromummaa is not merely an ethnic identity to them—it is a symbol of awakening, a challenge to authoritarianism across borders.
The Oromo proverb captures this betrayal vividly: “Sa’aa Abbaan Gaafa Cabse, ormi Ija Jaamsa.” Literal Translation: “When the owner breaks the horn, the outsider blinds the eye.” Meaning: When someone close to or responsible for something disrespects, weakens, or damages it, outsiders feel emboldened to do even worse. It speaks to betrayal or neglect from within giving others the justification or opportunity to destroy further. When Abiy, who claims to be Oromo, began undermining Oromummaa from within, it gave outsiders like Isaias the perceived license to attack it more brutally. Abiy’s internal sabotage of Oromo identity has paved the way for external aggression against the same people he purports to represent.
Although Abiy and Isaias may appear to wage war against each other to preserve their grip on power, they are united in their assault on Oromummaa. The true threat to peace in the Horn of Africa is not the Oromo identity or its legitimate aspirations, but the convergence of authoritarian rulers—deeply fearful of justice and inherently hostile to democracy. These autocrats, while operating under different regimes, are aligned in their efforts to suppress identities that challenge their narrow and repressive vision. Isaias’s recent condemnation should not be mistaken for a critique of ethnic politics; rather, it is a desperate attempt to retain control in a region where the people are increasingly demanding freedom, dignity, and change.
Manufactured Conflict and Who Benefits
Neither Ethiopia nor Eritrea has a legitimate reason for renewed war. The conflict is manufactured to distract from internal crises. Abiy Ahmed faces widespread rebellion in Oromia, Tigray, and Amhara; Isaias Afwerki clings to power through militarization. War serves as a tool to inflame nationalism, silence dissent, and tighten authoritarian control. The true beneficiaries are not the people, but authoritarian elites, arms dealers, and foreign actors exploiting chaos.
Beyond War: The Unseen Dilemma of Two Fragile Regimes
A new Ethiopia–Eritrea war wouldn’t just repeat history—it could collapse the regimes driving it. Both Abiy and Isaias are increasingly vulnerable. Their alliance, once celebrated in 2018, was more tactical than transformative. Since then, both have embraced repression and militarism. Isaias has ruled for over 30 years without elections, sustained by conscription and surveillance. Abiy presides over a fractured Ethiopia, marked by conflict and economic decline. War would expose these weaknesses. Eritrea’s fragile economy and Ethiopia’s inflation and unrest make conflict unsustainable. Their militaries are overstretched—Eritrea relies on conscripts, while Ethiopia’s forces are worn from internal wars. A prolonged conflict risks battlefield losses, dissent, and possible coups.
International consequences would be swift. Ethiopia depends on aid and investment that war would threaten. Eritrea, already isolated, would face deeper sanctions and possible external pressure. Both leaders would be viewed not as stabilizers but as threats to peace. History shows authoritarian rulers fall when war exposes their limits—from Argentina’s junta to Gaddafi. War shatters illusions of invincibility. If war erupts again, the human cost will be staggering—but it may also unravel two regimes that rely on fear, not legitimacy. What follows—renewal or ruin—will depend on what replaces them.
International Silence and the Price of Inaction
Global powers, especially in the West, have responded with troubling silence. Geopolitical interests, regional fatigue, and shifting alliances have weakened international accountability. This enables further repression and undermines hopes for peace. The world must understand identity is not the problem—authoritarianism is.
Identity as a Unifying Principle, not a Weapon
Oromummaa has never been a project of exclusion. It is about cultural pride, justice, and shared humanity. Ethiopians across ethnic lines—Amhara, Tigrayan, Sidama, Somali—have more in common than their leaders admit. The struggle is not between people, but between democracy and dictatorship, between the truth and propaganda. Vilifying Oromo identity only deepens ethnic resentment and divides the country further. Recognizing and respecting all identities equally is essential to building an inclusive democracy. To equate Oromummaa with extremism while legitimizing Amaarummaa or Tigrummaa is hypocrisy.
Resistance and Solidarity
History shows that suppression breeds resistance. Attempts to erase Oromummaa will fail. Instead, they strengthen the resolve of Oromo youth and unite the oppressed. Resistance movements are growing not only in Oromia but across Ethiopia. These movements seek not revenge, but justice, pluralism, and freedom.
A Call to Action
To counter the destructive path of Abiy and Isaias, citizens and international actors must act. Say no to war. Say no to propaganda. Support grassroots democratic movements. Build solidarity across ethnic lines. Demand international accountability. Peace must be built on truth and justice—not lies and fear.
Wrap-up: The Truth About Oromummaa
Oromummaa reflects dignity, democracy, and shared identity. The real danger is the authoritarian exploitation of identity for repression. Our future must be rooted in justice and unity, not in the manufactured fears of corrupt rulers. Ethiopians and Eritreans deserve better than repression and war. They deserve a future where all people are respected, where no culture is suppressed, and where leadership reflects the people’s aspirations—not their divisions.
References
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- Jalata, Asafa. Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse: The Search for Freedom and Democracy. The Red Sea Press, 1998.
- Jalata, A. (2007). Oromummaa: Oromo Culture, Identity, and Nationalism. Finfinne: Oromo Studies Press, 2007.
- Jalata, A. (2010). Oromummaa: National Identity and Politics of Liberation. University of Tennessee.
- New Yorker (2022). Did a Nobel Peace Laureate Stoke a Civil War?
- Hassen, Mohammed. The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History 1570–1860. Cambridge University Press, 1990.
- Melbaa, Gadaa. Oromo Liberation Front: The Struggle for Freedom. Khartoum, 1988.
- Time (2020). How the Murder of an Ethiopian Singer Triggered an Uprising Against a Disintegrating Democracy.
- The Guardian (2021). Possible War Crimes on All Sides in Ethiopian Conflict, Says Report
Dr. Worku Burayu is an agronomist by profession; steward of the Oromo causes by purpose. He is a committed advocate for justice, pluralism, and sustainable development in Oromia and beyond.
